27 May

Those Who Do Not Move, Do Not Notice Their Chains



June 1-2, 2019

Caucasian House

20 Galaktion Tabidze St.

Saturday June 1st

2:00 pm

Georgia: Long Term Political Alternative as the Vehicle for Fundamental Change

Beka Natsvlishvili, Sopo Japaridze 

Moderated by Neno Charkviani

Georgia has yet to reach the economic indicators it had before the collapse of the Soviet Union. Unemployment, poverty and inequality have become perpetual problems plaguing the country. The dominant ideology of small government and free trade – presented as a fair and effective mechanism without any alternatives – hinders real changes. Every influential government and civil institutions are being used to cultivate and disseminate this perspective. It’s important to break this cycle and offer a viable political alternative which will be based on the participation of a wide spectrum of society with organized workers at the forefront.

Demobilization of social movements globally coincides with the NGO-ization of politics thereby creating expertization of political mobilizations. The links are vertical coming from top to the bottom, thus people aren’t developing horizontal links with each other. Often the “experts” are getting directives from outside forces to push a framework and work on issues often designed to contain societal mobilization instead of strengthening it. One of the tasks of building a political alternative is to create the space for large part of society to be able to join and be part of the creative process of liberation with each other without the dictates of donors, experts and technocrats.

4:15 pm

Global: The State of Social Movements and Forces in the Global “Center”

David Broder, Elena Bezrukova

Moderated by: Giorgi Kobakhidze

Since Georgia is part of the periphery, it is by default subjected to the politics of the center. The interest of all those who struggle for a better future in Georgia must also support the struggles against capitalism in the center since the victory of socialist forces will signal better objective conditions for us in Georgia. Success in Georgia is not guaranteed by the changing politics outside of us, but it does give us leverage. Georgia’s political, social and economic landscape is wholesale adopted from directives, recommendations, and funding from international organizations, EU and US – after all, the thriving libertarian and neoliberal politics are sponsored by US and EU right wing think tanks. At the same time, the geopolitical limitations put on us by the politics of the Russian government is constantly shaping  domestic and foreign policies. It’s easy to see how changes for the better in the center can have a tremendous influence on Georgian progressive forces, Georgian society and our global integration. The future of Georgia is interlinked with advances socialists make in every other country.

6:30 pm

The Failure of Liberal Democracy in the West, the Capitalist Utopia of Eastern Europe/Post-Soviet Countries and the Way Forward

Mark Bergfeld, David Broder, Beka Natsvlishvili 

Moderated by Sopo Japaridze

The social-democratic promise of social justice and equality in the West has remained just an unfulfilled as the conservative promise for the law and order and economic stability. Meanwhile, the post-1968 left finds itself engulfed in crisis as well. The contemporary crisis of ideologies has its roots in the 2008 financial crisis. This has opened up the environment and the issue of migration as new arenas of contestation through which so-called ‘new’ and old actors define themselves and articulate new political fault lines.

Meanwhile, proponents of left-populism, the so-called ‘alt-right’ and movements such as FridaysforFuture protests present themselves as alternatives to the political status quo. Whether these movements and their ideologies will recompose the political landscape in the long-run remains questionable. One thing however is certain that they point to alternative futures which would have been unthinkable before 2008.

Soviet Union was the balancing ideological force of the West. After its collapse, neoliberalism came to dominate the entire European continent and the world. These laissez faire economic policies took on the most radical forms in Eastern Europe, post-Soviet and post-communist countries. Right wing reactionary forces, which have gotten stronger both in eastern and western Europe against the backdrop of the liberal democratic crisis, cannot be the counterweight of liberal elites. We need a counterweight force to capitalism for the most simplest of reasons: to save humankind.

Sunday June 2nd, 2019

3:00 pm

No Progressive Alternative to Capitalism without Feminism and Environmentalism

Giorgi Ptskialadze,  Mariam Vatsadze, Etuna Nogadieli, Salome Adamia

Moderated by Khatia Tkheshelashvili

Recently we often hear the question as to why climate activists and environmentalists are talking about issues such as workers’ rights, social justice, feminism, and anti-capitalism. It could be said that it would be impossible to succeed any other way since the environmental pollution and climate change is the result of the existing capitalist system. This is the same system that is built on the exploitation, oppression and fleecing of workers. To view ecological issues without mentioning the roots of the problems and focus instead on combating the symptoms will never solve the most important problem – climate change. Climate change will make life hardest for the working class, expensive and unbearable. Exactly because of this, the existing green parties of the world are on the whole eco-socialist since climate change is a left issue. 

At the same time, feminism is indispensable to fighting the gendered oppression that reifies and reproduces the capitalist system. Though gendered division has existed in other social systems, the ways capitalism divides workers according to paid and unpaid labor according to gender is essential to capitalism’s continuation, capitalism needs to have free and cheap labor ready at hand in order to limit wages paid and social services offered.  Feminist critique of capitalism as the division of social reproduction and production is even more relevant today in how Georgia is incorporated globally. Georgia has become a source of exporting cheap labor for the social reproduction of the West: providing care for children and the elderly of the developed countries’ middle classes who achieve their middle class status by being able to have the social services met through cheap labor coming in from countries such as Georgia. Domestically, Georgian women have become high demand for surrogacy for couples unable to afford the rates in their own countries. At the same time, there is little productive work in the country, mostly low waged service sectors in tourism which is yet another social reproductive – servicing the resting and leisure of the surrounding regional middle classes. Global “comparative advantage” has deemed Georgia as the provider of social reproduction for the middles classes.

5:30 pm

Organizing the “Whole Worker” and the Importance of the Strike Weapon

Neno Charkviani, Mark Bergfeld

Moderated by Nona Zandarashvili

We are often severely handicapped by the current economic and political structure in strengthening and building workers’ movements in Georgia, yet there seems to be little thought as to how to find our way out of objective constraints as well as over reliance on outdated and inane solutions taken abstractly from other countries experiences that had a far different experiences that led to those institutions. Despite the obstacles faced, unions must consciously adopt organizing in order to embrace worker involvement, and take the time to build connections from the workplace to the community. Every effort has to be made to win through strikes, workers’ mobilization, and organizing instead of reliance on cutting deals. 

Since the mid-1990s, trade unions have been developing ‘organizing’ as one means to renew the labour movement. Organizing has been counter-posed with the servicing approach which has been dominating the union movement and contributed to its long decline.


Organizing involves identifying strategic targets, building committees, mapping workplaces, identifying potential leaders and building workers’ class consciousness through action. Yet, too often ‘organizing’ has simply been equivocated with membership recruitment, campaigning, and activism.


If the labour movement is serious about renewing itself, it needs to organize workers and involve them in collective bargaining with the goal of restoring worker power through sectoral agreements. Only these can stop the race to the bottom and rebuild a union movement that changes the balance of power.

Full program:

24 Dec

Another Victory and Translators’ Local Union

Solidarity Network has established another local trade union! The collective struggle of the translators has revealed the scheme of exploitation of Tbilisi Business House.

This is a company that had not been paying salaries to the translators for months and in some cases for years as well.  However, the company was made to pay all stolen wages to the translators.

Another strong organization joined the workers movement! Tremble and be afraid those who judge do the injustice!

Join us! Together to achieve a better future!

06 Nov

Quick Highlights of 2018


Solidarity Network is an independent union in Georgia who fights for a democratic workplace, better transportation, neighbourhoods, and healthcare. The worker isn’t only at work. They are everywhere and so are we.

This year, we are proud that our local union in the professional college, Spektri, developed a new program for labour inspection and environmental defence. It’s the only program of its kind in Georgia that is free and open to everyone. We also had free English and German lessons for our members and others beginning of this year. Recently, we launched our new website, please take a look http://solnet.ge/en/.

Read More

31 May

Alarming Precedent of Georgian Common Courts Restricting the Right to Strike

We would like to inform you regarding the recent developments in relation to the collective labor dispute launched by the Metropolitan Independent Trade Union, which continues to this day, to the extent that the metro workers do not enjoy their right to strike, as provided by the law.

Read More

14 Apr


The members of our organization established a local trade union at the public college Spectri. Our cooperation with the college began by holding workshops on labor relations for the students. We are glad that now the teachers of the college became our members and founded a local union. We will strive together for the better working and economic conditions.

14 Mar


“Make Agara Work!” – the slogan written on the poster at the entrance of the factory

This is the tragedy of our economic development in Georgia. Through free trade agreements, FDI, and idiotic like embracement of every new technological innovation by the government, the actual people in Georgia are unemployed or working poor, in debt and trying to leave the country as soon as they can. In Agara, the employees are staying to fight for a chance to work.

The sugar factory closed down, throwing hundreds of workers out claiming they aren’t making profits to keep producing sugar since the foreign competition is too much though there is profit just not enough for these greedy capitalists. Instead, they are turning to using the factory to mine bitcoins. The workers blocked the entrance this morning to not let anyone in the factory.

No one cares about all these unemployed people and their families. The workers say, there aren’t any other places to work, while the factory owners don’t feel they are culpable. The government doesn’t feel culpable.

Bitcoin mining employs very little people and places hope in a speculative investment while using up tons of energy. We don’t produce anything anymore.

Maybe we should all just leave Georgia and move away to other countries, so we can lend our entire country to cryptocurrency mining. We don’t want the people to interfere with the economy.

22 Feb


LEPL Community College Gldani Vocational Training Center and Solidarity Network – Workers’ Center have ratified a memorandum of cooperation.

In the frames of the memorandum Solidarity Network – Workers’ Center has already planned a meeting with the students of the community college. The meeting will take place on May 17th.

The main objective of the memorandum is to support the vocational education, to raise awareness about the local labour market, to promote labour rights and to educate students about labour relations.

LEPL Community College Gldani Vocational Training Center provides the student with various vocational programmes. The college also offers the students capability to learn necessary skills. After attaining the professional knowledge in a specific field the students are awarded a diploma. The college is open to all people including those from the regions, the people with social vulnerability, people with disabilities and people with the need for special education.

12 Feb


The chairperson of our alternative trade union is the feminist Sopo Japaridze. We believe that it is necessary to increase the role of women in trade union activities.  

“We have commenced building a democratic, independent and effective trade union. For us a democratic union incorporates the idea that all the members can vote to elect a chairperson and it should not only be an indirect right reserved only for some delegates. Additionally, the term in office for the chairperson should be defined. We are held accountable to our members.

We deem that it is not enough to pursue struggle only at a workplace in order to improve the labour conditions in the country. We consider that attention should also be given to the following vital issues: debts, high percentage credits, housing, increased prices, limited budget, minimum wage, pensions and retirement, healthcare and insurance, unemployment and etc.

The most important thing is that we a have different strategy of struggle. Our main objective is to integrate the workers in in this process.” –  Sopo Japaridze

12 Feb


Author:  Sopo Japaridze

Original: https://jacobinmag.com/2017/06/georgia-constitution-georgian-dream-taxes-article-94 


Georgia’s elites are changing the country’s constitution to forever foreclose the possibility of taxing the rich.

 Early this week, on May 5, 2017, public hearings began across Georgia on constitutional amendments proposed by the ruling coalition. Ever since receiving a constitutional majority in parliament last year, Georgian Dream has prepared to change the country’s constitution.

Georgian Dream’s first step was to set up a Constitutional Reform Commission to develop draft constitutional amendments, which would later be subject to public debate and two parliamentary votes. The commission has been plagued by severe differences between Georgian Dream and opposition groups from the very start — many have left and boycotted the commission. In response, the opposition has voiced concerns over the commission’s plans to make the current mix of proportional and majoritarian systems into a strictly proportional one, keep the 5 percent parliamentary entry threshold for political parties, and abolish direct elections of the president, stating the ruling party will use these new changes to stay in power permanently.

However, opposition groups are yet to comment on Paragraph 94 of Georgia’s constitution. This particular paragraph forbids the raising of taxes by parliament without holding a special referendum, which can only be initiated by the government. This paragraph is part of Georgia’s Liberty Act, which former president Mikheil Saakashvili pushed through in 2010 in order to severely weaken future governments by limiting their sources of budget revenue and strangle the prospect of progressive taxation in the name of “freedom” for enterprise and market. In doing so, it entrenches libertarian ideology in the country’s constitution, to the detriment of desperate, working Georgians.

Extra Regressive

After Saakashvili’s Rose Revolution began in 2003, Georgia’s tax system was reformed to be one of the simplest — and most regressive — tax systems in the world. There are onlysix types of taxes: a 20 percent flat income tax, a profit tax (which has now been abolished if the company reinvests, then they pay no taxes), an excise tax on a few selected goods, VAT at 18 percent, an import tax that ranges from 0 percent to 12 percent, and a property tax which is up to 1 percent. There is no progressive taxation, no inheritance tax, and there are no social security taxes.

In 2010, Georgia’s president, Mikheil Saakashvili, rushed through amendments to the constitution restricting the powers of the president and rebalancing power in favor of the cabinet of ministers. At the same time, Saakashvili included a paragraph and an accompanying organic law that would restrict tax-raising powers, the so-called Liberty Act, without much in the way of public or private consultation.

Even the IMF was against it, and international advisers forced a provision in the bill allowing the government to temporarily increase taxes for up to three years in emergencies. As Saakashvili and Kakha Bendukidze, the mastermind of Georgia’s free-market reforms, co-wrote in their article, “Georgia: The Most Radical Catch-Up Reforms“: “The idea was to design a straitjacket for the irreversibility of reforms carried out by the government during the previous period and to create the basis for the inviolability of the principles of economic freedom.”

Paragraph 94 thus caps government-expenditures-to-GDP ratio at 30 percent, the debt-to-GDP ratio at 60 percent, and the budget-deficit-to-GDP ratio at 3 percent. A referendum on this issue can only pose the question of raising flat taxes for all Georgian citizens — the organic law forbids a referendum on progressive taxation.


Elite Consensus

Last month, as part of the constitutional reform process started by Georgian Dream, the Social-Democrat parliamentary faction initiated a proposal to remove Paragraph 94.

They did so with virtually no support from other parliamentary groups. Instead, they co-signed a letter demanding its removal with twenty-four other public organizations, including the sizeable Georgian Trade Union Confederation. In turn, the Constitutional Reform Commission, which has focused on deliberating procedures of political party participation, safeguarding the Georgian language, and defining marriage as being between a man and a woman, overwhelmingly voted against removing the Liberty Act during the final vote on the draft amendments.

Over the past year, Georgia’s conservative groups have demanded a strict definition of marriage, with stalls in the streets and massive canvassing to promote a traditional and heterosexual definition of marriage. Not surprisingly, western media has largely concentrated on the “marriage question,” completely ignoring other detrimental aspects of the constitutional amendments.

Indeed, the commission’s decision signals the high level of commitment to a free-market ideology that is being reified in Georgia’s constitution. And since the commission has voted, they will now hold brief discussions over the new draft for the benefit of the public before parliament votes in the spring and again in the fall sessions.


A Permanent Attack

The Liberty Act is thoroughly undemocratic. It restricts taxation by the people’s representative body, the parliament, and ensures that the referendum necessary to increase taxes can only be initiated by the government (rather than two hundred thousand signatures, as is the case for any other referendum). It thus effectively removes one of the most important topics of debate from Georgia’s public and political sphere.

The Liberty Act is detrimental to building an inclusive, healthy and sustainable economy. It cripples the budget both in terms of income sources and its cap on expenditures. Indeed, Georgia’s current budget is mostly made up of VAT and income taxes supplied by Georgia’s poorest citizens (as statistics I obtained from Georgia’s Revenue Service show) — there is no significant middle class who can pay for the country to function.

As deteriorating labor rights have sparked protests across Georgia, new amendments, much like the original constitution, are a dream for liberal free-marketeers.

There are some forward-thinking, though mostly cosmetic, proposals too, such as enshrining the right to internet use. Still, given the growing needs of Georgia’s population, whether in terms of social services or better education for the job market, they require a proactive government which can provide assistance. Yet the act restricts the development of social-welfare provision — tax revenues to sustain long-term and robust social services are limited without changing existing tax scales. The Liberty Act thus permits the previous government’s libertarian ideology to remain in force, despite Georgia’s electorate voting the Saakashvili government out of power in 2012.

If this paragraph is not taken out of Georgia’s constitution now, there will be no other chance of removing it in the foreseeable future — obtaining a constitutional majority willing to agree on changes will be almost impossible given the current political polarization. This will doom the country to continuing economic policies that have impoverished and indebted Georgians, whose only hope of a better life is to leave the country.

Western states didn’t build democratic institutions and social welfare provision in a day — for decades, if not centuries, people fought for their rights and won. And in Georgia, there is a budding movement that focuses on economic and social rights. Indeed, the twenty-four organizations behind the open letter to the constitutional commission have formed a coalition and will spend the next month raising this issue at the public consultations over the amendments across Georgia. Yet the time it will take to educate and mobilize the population against the Liberty Act will be long and tortuous — and if Paragraph 94 remains in place, it’ll be too late.

12 Feb


Author: Revaz Karanadze

The 2007–2008 US mortgage crisis soon became contagious for the US financial speculatory markets that plunged the Wall Street into the panic. The panic caused the plummet of the credibility of the whole American banking sector that was echoed in almost all of the global financial centres. As the crisis went the private financial institutions were constantly losing their power to liquefy the assets. Henceforth, the leading hegemonic paradigms were set to be adjusted to the solution of the crisis.

Ironically, the neoliberal deregulatory mechanisms that have always been pushed for more “free market” came under harsh scrutiny and the lobbyists commenced to compete in asking for governments to get bailouts. The ideology of “too big to fail” was generally implied for manipulating the discourse that if these “huge” financial speculators would not be bailed out when the whole system would collapse. Consequently, the banks and other financial institutions were to be “rescued” by accumulating money from the citizens (who are mostly never spared when it comes to their private individual debts).

Nevertheless, it is worth to highlight that some incremental neo-Keynesian regulatory measures were put in place between 2010 and 2014. These seemingly alternative regulations would have some power to halt the further downfall of the banks and would to some extent alleviate the burden from the ordinary taxpayers, as they would not have to pay for the crimes of the financial sector. With the introduction of Volcker Rule in the United States, the commercial banks were separated or in some cases even restricted to have an access to deposit banking (the 1999 repeal of the Glass-Steagall Act gave too much freedom to the banks). The almost identical regulatory measures were adopted in the United Kingdom — the Vickers’ proposal of ring-fencing and regulating the LIBOR (The London Interbank Offered Rate). Withal, after these regulatory mechanisms were put in place this was the first time in history when hedge funds fell under a regulatory oversight (Langley, 2015).

Unlike, the United States and the United Kingdom, in the European Union, the story unveiled with a different scenario. Although like in the US and in the UK the blame was redirected from capital to labour, the EU scenario varies for the following reasons: The EU is not a country, but a single market of unequally developed sovereign economies with multi-layered bureaucratic apparatus lacking the democratic and political credibility (although there is the Lisbon agreement which never fully gave political power to European Central Bank to overrun the national policies) of pushing for applicable solutions to each member state, where every country has its own vision.

The burst of financial bubbles in Greece paved the way to unleashing the fear for the European single market to collapse. The French president Nicola Sarkozy fearful that the other EU countries would follow the Greeks to become incapable of avoiding further monetary value deterioration of the stocks of the Southern Eurozone countries offered solutions that would involve all the EU countries to pool their strength together in order to address the crisis with solidarily. He also shifted his fiscal conservatism to more neo-Keynesian views. However, Germany was reluctant to help, but instead, Germany played the derogatory discourse of the “Lazy Greeks” and “PIIGS” (Portugal, Ireland, Italy, Greece, Spain). This German discourse was administered to held accountable the South European countries and these countries needed to be punished (Crespy & Schmidt, 2012).

Though, after the further pressure from the EU and even the US the German Chancellor Angela Merkel and the German Finance Wolfgang Schäuble caved in. The German policymakers realised the deepening of the crisis would affect the single market and would hit German private entrepreneurship power as well. Therefore, as the strongest EU economy, Germany, pushed for extreme conditionality by imposing harsh austerity measures on the “PIIGS” countries, while being committed to the discourse created for the German electorate and the German taxpayers. After several rounds of belated talks, Germany persuaded France on the effectiveness of ordoliberalism that would require the whole EU to follow.

The South European countries and Ireland were expected to recover their economy through strict austerity, although it is to be highlighted that the IMF was less enthusiastic of the EU, ECB and European council to push for the policies that had not worked well in South American countries several decades earlier.

The push for the austerity policies proved to be a social disaster for crisis-affected countries. The forced massive budget cuts caused the deceleration of wages and the deprivation of welfare from the people, while German capital grew. Nonetheless, the austerity politics failed to find legitimation in Portugal.

The Portuguese case bares unique characteristics. Firstly, unlike Greece, Portuguese economy was generally weak and there were almost no financial bubble speculations there. Thus the German wrath was less felt in Lisbon, but the austerity conditionality was still applied by the right-wing Social Democratic Party of Portugal. The logic behind this action was to prove that Portuguese economy could soon be capable of increasing GDP growth through public spending and budgetary cuts and alleviating the labour regulations would bring in more foreign investments to the country. The flashpoint was that Troika was afraid that the Portuguese public debt would take its toll if the recovery would not come sooner through the positive GDP growth. By 2012 Portugal had one of the highest public debts in the EU accounting for 112% of the GDP.

“The austerity caused the unemployment to skyrocket to 17.3% by 2013. Utilities were privatised, VAT raised, a surtax imposed on incomes, public sector pay and pensions slashed and benefits cut, a number of public holidays were revoked and the working day was extended. In a two-year period, education spending suffered a devastating 23% cut” (Jones, 2017).

Budget cuts were also applied to the healthcare and social security. Moreover, from the macroeconomic standpoint of the purchasing power of the population was damaged, hence decreasing the demand on the market affecting the growth of the GDP (OXFAM, 2013).

The public was outraged. The workers’ unions, student groups, and academics were capable of organising and massively delegitimizing the government’s discourse, thus constructing a counter-discourse led by the Socialist Party of Portugal that was capable of creating a coalition with Communist Party, Left Bloc, and the Greens. The new coalition was capable of unseating the Social Democrats after the 2015 elections, by promising to pursue the abandonment of austerity politics in Portugal.

People gather against government austerity policies at Lisbon’s main square Praca do Comercio March 2, 2013 (Reuters / Hugo Correia) / Reuters

The new government led by the prime minister António Costa, was successful in resisting to the pressure of troika. Unlike the Greek SYRIZA government, he kept his promised and reinstated all the pre-austerity politics, but with a progressive twist, by enabling the increase of public investments, increasing the minimum wage and pensions. The sceptics of this measure considering Socialist policies to fail or even to bring a bigger catastrophe.

“The promised disaster did not materialise. By the autumn of 2016 — a year after taking power — the government could boast of sustained economic growth and a 13% jump in corporate investment. And this year, figures showed the deficit had more than halved to 2.1% — lower than at any time since the return of democracy four decades ago. Indeed, this is the first time Portugal has ever met eurozone fiscal rules. Meanwhile, the economy has now grown for13 successive quarters” (Jones, 2017).

In addition, in order to avoid further political speculation that the Troika would portray him as a radical, Costa made a smart move endorsing the right-wing Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa for a rather symbolic post of the president in the parliamentary democracy system of the Portuguese Republic (Ames, 2016)

Consequently, Portugal was the only example in the post-crisis Global North to avoid the full social devastation of the austerity neoliberalism by doing the contrary to the economic conditionality through the implementation of heterodox economic measures. This is a precedent of the political judgment of the government being congruent with the democratic will of the people, a dissimilar plotline from Greece. The capability, the audacity and the willingness of the Portuguese government to put the welfare of the populations as its policy objective rather than the directives of Troika is what real democracy is about. As the Portuguese government was successful by legitimising the voice of the people engraved in the anti-austerity policies, Troika has little to no say in the Portuguese affairs now.

We must understand and learn from Portugal that democracy is real when it really reflects the social and economic needs of the populations, and not to pursue the directives of the agents of international finance and capital that have no other interest but to design Georgia for the international business to exploit it. Since the dismantlement of the Soviet Union, Georgia has fallen under experimental economic policies that have hollowed out the social dimension of the politics in the country. These neoliberal experiments of financialisation have cost the ordinary Georgians a severe price.

According to the 2017 IMF data, outstanding loans with the commercial banks consist 59.01% of the total GDP in Georgia. Whereas, 717,48 people per 1000 adults are borrowers of the commercial banks . The decline of wages, high unemployment, lack of jobs and the plummeting of purchasing power per capita, underpaid, irregular, and unstable jobs, these are the main reasons for people to undertake the risky endeavor of taking loans. Withal, the number of suicides committed because of indebtedness is growing every year and the number of fatalities in the workplace is still high (there is a lack of health and safety regulations and the labour inspection does not function properly).

Unfortunately, the Georgian government along with the dominant economic scholars push for economic policies that free finance from almost all the social responsibilities. The state constitution of the country limits budget expenditures to 30% of the national GDP, which already makes austerity constitutionally guaranteed. This happened after the 2010 constitutional amendments of the so-called “Liberty Act” that also limits the state’s sovereignty to manage fiscal politics and for parliament to have the power to determine taxation (Parliament of Georgia, 2010). However, the new government yielded to the pressure of the business association and their lobbyist organisations (e.g., Transparency International representation in Georgia had been vehemently campaigning to endorse this bill and portray the amendment of the taxation as a referendum issue to be a democratic matter). This has stripped the ordinary taxpayer the prospects of decent work, universal healthcare, free education, and universal social support programmes. This constitutional austerity limits the parliamentary power over the fiscal policies (e.g. parliament lacks the power to issue taxation policies that are against flat taxation) (Japaridze, 2017).

The low wages guarantee the impoverishment of the population, thus lowering consumption capacity. Thereby, the socioeconomic situation in the country is abysmal and hinders the political participation of most people in the political process. The only solution is a shift in the ideological and logical framework of the economic politics. Portuguese anti-austerity policies are an exemplary case of going against all odds of the hegemonic economic and political pressure to assure the triumph of democracy. Georgia needs to break with the vicious cycle–in many cases adopting policies that are even more radical than the requirements by the international financial institutions–of neoliberal austerity and instead place human welfare and development as the locomotive of the economic growth and progress.

And yes, a democratic alternative is possible, we can learn it from Portugal!


Ames, P. (2016, January 12). Why Portugal has become an oasis of stability. Portugal bucks Europe’s populist trend, but financial fragility remains a threat. Politico. Retrieved from https://www.politico.eu/article/why-portugal-has-become-europes-oasis-of-stability-antonio-costa-prime-minister/

Crespy, A., & Schmidt, V. (2012). The Discursive Double Game of EMU Reform: The Clash of Titans between French White Knight and German Iron Lady. Paper for the 9th Biennal Conference, (pp. 350–368). Ottawa.

IMF. (2017). Financial Access Survey: Georgia. Retrieved from http://data.imf.org/?sk=E5DCAB7E-A5CA-4892-A6EA-598B5463A34C&sId=1460043522778

Japaridze, S. (2017). The Oligarchs’ Constitution. Jacobin Magazine. Retrieved September 21, 2017, from https://www.jacobinmag.com/2017/06/georgia-constitution-georgian-dream-taxes-article-94

Jones, O. (2017, August 24). No alternative to austerity? That lie has now been nailed. The Guardian. Retrieved from https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2017/aug/24/austerity-lie-deep-cuts-economy-portugal-socialist

Langley, P. (2015). In Liquidity Lost (pp. 124–145). Oxford University Press.

OXFAM. (2013, September). Portugal Case Study. THE TRUE COST OF AUSTERITY. Retrieved from https://www.oxfam.org/sites/www.oxfam.org/files/cs-true-cost-austerity-inequality-portugal-120913-en.pdf

Parliament of Georgia. (2010). Constitution of Georgia: Article 94. Tbilisi. Tbilisi. Retrieved from http://www.parliament.ge/uploads/other/28/28803.pdf